Skip to content

1865 April 22: President Lincoln’s Last Public Speech

April 27, 2015

The following introduction to President Abraham Lincoln’s last public speech comes from the Abraham Lincoln Online website:

Two days after the surrender of Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s army, virtually ending the Civil War, a jubilant crowd gathered outside the White House, calling for President Lincoln. Reporter Noah Brooks wrote, “Outside was a vast sea of faces, illuminated by the lights that burned in the festal array of the White House, and stretching far out into the misty darkness. It was a silent, intent, and perhaps surprised, multitude.”

“Within stood the tall, gaunt figure of the President, deeply thoughtful, intent upon the elucidation of the generous policy which should be pursued toward the South. That this was not the sort of speech which the multitude had expected is tolerably certain.”

Lincoln stood at the window over the building’s main north door, a place where presidents customarily gave speeches. Brooks held a light so Lincoln could read his speech, while young Tad Lincoln grasped the pages as they fluttered to his feet. The speech introduced the complex topic of reconstruction, especially as it related to the state of Louisiana. For the first time in a public setting, Lincoln expressed his support for black suffrage. This statement incensed John Wilkes Booth, a member of the audience, who vowed, “That is the last speech he will make.” A white supremacist and Confederate activist, Booth made good on his threat three days later.”

Lincoln’s speech was published in the April 22, 1865, issue of The Prescott Journal.

A SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT.

Compliments Gen. Grant and his troops.

Views Respecting “Reconstruction.”

On the evening of the 11th, the President’s mansion and other public buildings in Washington were illuminated in honor of General GRANT’s [Ulysses S. Grant] final victory.  Thousands of persons flocked to the Executive mansion.  Mr. LINCOLN appeared at an upper window and addressed them as follows :

“We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart.  The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the principal insurgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy peace whose joyous expression can not be restrained.  In the midst of this, however, He from whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten.  A call for a national thanksgiving is being proposed, and will be duly promulgated.  Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing, be overlooked.  I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of transmitting much of the good news to you ;  but no part of the honor, for plan or execution, is mine.  To Gen. Grant, his skillful officers, and brave men, all belongs.  The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active part.

“By these recent successes the re-inauguration of the national authority—reconstruction—which has had a large share of thought from the first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention.  It is fraught with great difficulty.  Unlike a case of a war between independent nations, there is no authorized organ for us to treat with.  No one man has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man.  We simply must begin with, and mould¹ from, disorganized and discordant elements.  Nor is it a small additional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction.

“As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I can not properly offer an answer.  In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in setting up, and seeking to sustain the new government of Louisiana.  In this I have done just so much as and no more than the public knows.  In the Annual Message of December, 1863, and accompanying proclamation, I presented a plan of re-construction, as the phrase goes, which I promised, if adopted by any state, would be accepted, and sustained by, the executive government of the nation.  I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable, and I distinctly protested that the Executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from such states.  This plan was, in advance, submitted to the then Cabinet, and distinctly approved by every member of it.  One of them suggested that I should then, and in that connection, apply the emancipation proclamation to theretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana ;  that I should drop a suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people ;  and that I should omit the protest against my own power in regard to the admission of members to Congress.  But even he approved every part and parcel of the plan which has been employed or touched by the action of Louisiana.  The new constitution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole state practically applies the proclamation to the part previously exempted.  It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, and is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, about the admission of members to Congress.  So that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the Cabinet fully approved the plan.  The message went to Congress, and received many commendations of the plan, written and verbal; and not a single objection to it from any professed emancipationist came to my knowledge until after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it.

“From about July, 1862, I had corresponded with different persons supposed to be interested in reconstruction of a state government of Louisiana.  When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New-Orleans, Gen. Banks [Nathaniel P. Banks] wrote me that he was confident that the people, with military co-operation, would reconstruct substantially on that plan.  I wrote to him and some of them to try it.  They tried it, and the result is known.  Such has been my only agency in getting up the Louisiana government.  As to sustaining it, my promise is now as before stated ;  but, as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, and break it whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it is adverse to the public interest.  But I have not been so convinced.  I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed on the question whether the seceded states, so called, are in the Union or out of it.  It would, perhaps, add astonishment to his regret were he to learn that, since I have found professed Union men endeavoring to make that question, I have purposely forborne any public expression upon it.  As appears to me that question has not been, nor yet is, practically a material one ;  and that any discussion of it, while it thus remains practically immaterial, could have no effect other than mischievous,—of dividing our friends.  As yet, whatever it may become, that question is bad as basis of controversy, and good for nothing at all,—a merely pernicious obstruction.

“We all agree that the seceded states, so called, are out of their proper practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of government, civil and military, in regard to those states, is to again get them up to that proper practical relation.  I believe that it is not only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without deciding, or even considering, whether these States have been out of the Union than with it.  Finding themselves safely at home, it would be merely immaterial whether they had been abroad.  Let us all be doing acts necessary to restore the proper practical relations between these States and the Union, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether in doing the acts, he brought the states from without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of it.

“The amount of constituency, so to speak, upon which the new Louisiana government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if it contained 50,000 or 60,000, or even 20,000, instead of 12,000 as it does.  It is also unsatisfactory to some that the election franchise is not given to the colored man.  I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers.

“Still the question is not whether the Louisiana government as it stands is quite all that is desirable.  The question is, will it be wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and disperse ?  Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relations with the Union sooner by sustaining or discarding the new Government ?  Some 12,000 voters in the heretofore slave State of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union ;  assumed to be the rightful political power of the State ;  held elections ;  organized a State Government ;  adopted a free State constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the colored man.  The legislature has already voted to ratify the constitutional amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout the Union.—These 12,000 persons are thus fully committed to the Union, to perpetuate freedom in the State—committed to the very things, and nearly all the things, the nation wants ;  and they ask the nation for recognition and assistance to make this committal.  We have rejected and spurned them.  We do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them.  We, in fact, say to the white man, You are worthless or worse ;  we will never help you, nor be helped by you.  To the black, we say, This cup of liberty, which these, your old masters, held to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where, and how.  If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both to white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have so far been able to perceive it.  If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true.  We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the 12,000 to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to complete success.

“The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspirited with vigilance, and energy, and daring, to the same end.  Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it, than by running backward over them?

“Concede that the new government of Louisiana is only, to what it should be as an egg to a fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it.  (Laughter.)

“Again, if we reject Louisiana, we also reject the vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the National Constitution.  To meet this proposition, it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment.  I do not commit myself against this further than to say that such ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persistently questioned, while ratification by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable.

“I repeat the question, can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new state government ?  And what has been said of Louisiana will apply to other states.  Yet, so great peculiarities pertain to each state, and such important and sudden changes occur in the same state, and withal, so new and unprecedented is the whole case that no exclusive and inflexible plan can surely be prescribed as to details and colatterals [sic].  Each exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement of important principles, and must be inflexible in presentation, as the phrase goes.  It will be my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the South.  I am considering and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper.”

1.  English spelling of mold.

No comments yet

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out / Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out / Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out / Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out / Change )

Connecting to %s

%d bloggers like this: