1865 August 5: The Attempt to Poison Mr. Lincoln, and a Contest for “Left-Armed” Soldiers

The following two shorter articles comes from the August 5, 1865, issue of The Prescott Journal.

The Attempt to Poison Mr. Lincoln.

In a letter from Mrs. J. G. Swisshelm¹ to the Pittsburgh Commercial, is the following in relation to the alleged attempt to poison Mr. Lincoln [Abraham Lincoln], when “the cup was tried, and failed:”

On a visit to Mrs. Lincoln, the day she left for Chicago, I said to her that I had always expected slavery would poison Mr. Lincoln as it did Presidents Harrison [William Henry Harrison] and Taylor [Zachary Taylor].  The idea appeared new to her; and recalled the fact that her husband had been very ill for several days, from the effects of a dose of blue pills taken shortly before his second inauguration.  She said he was not well, and appearing to require his usual medicine, blue pills, she sent to the drug store in which Harrold was employed last, and got a dose and gave them to him at night before going to bed, and that the next morning his pallor terrified her.

“His face,” said she, pointing to the bed beside which she sat, “was white as that pillow case, as it lay just there,” she exclaimed, laying her head on the pillow—“white and such a deadly white” ;  as he tried to rise he sank back again, quite overcome!”

She described his anxiety to be up, there was so much to do, and her persistence and his oppressive languor keeping him in bed for several days.  Said he and she both thought, it is so strange that the pills should effect him in that way ;  they never had done so before, and both concluded they would get no more medicine there, as the attendant evidently did not understand making up prescriptions.  Could this have been the time spoken of in that letter produced on the trial, in which it is said the cup failed once?

I know an officer’s widow who spent some time with her husband in Georgia, while General Mitchell was in command.  She has told me of a pretended Union woman, in a small town where they were stationed, who kept a boarding house for Union officers ;  of the large number of invalids ;  soon the number of deaths attracted attention, and an investigation was ordered of the charge that this female fiend had been poisoning her boarders.  While the case was pending some order changed the troops occupying the town, and my informant never learned how the matter ended, but her description of the pallor of the victims so coincides with Mrs. Lincoln’s account of our Martyr’s appearance after the taking of the blue pills, that it has occurred to me those monsters may have some peculiar method of poisoning.

To the Left-Armed Soldiers of the Union.

There are many men now in hospitals, as well as at their homes, who have lost their right arms, or whose right arm is so disabled that they cannot write with it.  Penmanship is a necessary requisite to any man who wants a situation under the government, or in almost any business establishment.  As an inducement to the class of wounded and disabled soldiers here named to make an effort to fit themselves for lucrative and honorable positions, we offer the following premiums:

For the best specimen of left-handed penmanship…………………………………………………..$200

For the second best specimen………………………………………………………………………………..$150

For the third best specimen…………………………………………………………………………………..$100

For the fourth best specimen…………………………………………………………………………………..$50

The specimens of penmanship must be written on fine letter paper of the ordinary size, and not to be less than two nor more than seven pages.

The literary part of the work may be original or selected.  Brief essays on patriotic themes, and especially narratives of the writer’s experience in the service of the country, incidents or sketches of the war are preferred.

[There is a missing portion here where something was cut out]

Executive Committee [also missing] Employment, New York.

After the award shall have been made the editor of The Soldier’s Friend is to have the right to publish such of the contributions as may be best adapted for publication, and the manuscripts will be bound up and preserved as a memorial of the brave.

The manuscripts must be sent in on or before the 1st of October next.  Four months’ time will thus be allowed for the men wounded in the last battles near Richmond to enter the lists as competitors.

The manuscripts must be wrapped around a wooden roller, to avoid folding or crushing in transportation, and must be addressed to

.                     .WM. OLAND BOURNE,
Editor of The Soldier’s Friend, No. 12,
.   .Centre Street, New York.

1  Jane Grey Swisshelm (1815-1884) was an American journalist, publisher, abolitionist, and women’s rights advocate. Born Jane Grey Cannon, she married James Swisshelm in 1836 and, after divorcing him in 1857, moved to St. Cloud, Minnesota. She founded a string of newspapers in St. Cloud and wrote regularly on anti-slavery and women’s rights. When Abraham Lincoln was nominated for the presidency, Swisshelm spoke and wrote in his behalf. When the American Civil War began and nurses were wanted at the front, she was one of the first to respond. After the Battle of the Wilderness, she had charge of 182 badly wounded men, without surgeon or assistant, and saved them all.

In 1862, after the Dakota Conflict (Sioux Uprising) in Minnesota resulted in the deaths of hundreds of white settlers, Swisshelm was among those demanding that the Indians be punished. She toured major cities to raise public opinion about this issue end and, while in Washington, D.C., met with Edwin M. Stanton, a friend from Pittsburgh and then Secretary of War. He offered her a clerkship in the government. She sold her Minnesota paper and continued to work as an army nurse during the Civil War in the Washington area until her job became available. She became a friend of Mary Todd Lincoln. After the War, Swisshelm founded her final newspaper, the Reconstructionist. Her attacks on President Andrew Johnson led to her losing the paper and her government job.

1865 May 6: Biographical Sketch of Mr. Lincoln

The following sketch of assassinated President Abraham Lincoln comes from the May 6, 1865, issue of The Polk County Press.

M I S C E L L E A N E O U S.

Biographical Sketch of Mr. Lincoln.

The following condensed sketch of the life of Abraham Lincoln, previously to his assumption of the presidency, which is compiled from the American Cyclopedia, will be read interest :

Abraham Lincoln was born in Hardin county, Kentucky, on the 12th of February, 1800, and was, therefore, a little over fifty-six years old when he died.  His ancestors, who were Quakers of an humble class, went from Barks county, Va. and from there his grandfather, Abraham, removed with his family to Kentucky, about 1784.  Thomas Lincoln the father of Abraham, was born in Virginia, and in 1806 married Nancy Hanks, also of Virginia, both belonging to the class of “poor whites.”  In 1816 he removed with his family to Spencer county, Indiana, when Abraham being large for his age, was put to work with an axe to clear away the forest, and for the next ten years was mostly occupied in hard labor on his father’s farm.  He went to school at intervals, amounting in the aggregate to about a year, which was all the school education he ever received.  At the age of nineteen, he made a trip to New Orleans as a hired hand upon a flat-boat.  In March 1830, he removed with his father, from Indiana and settled in Macon county, Illinois, where he helped to build a log cabin for the family home, and to make enough rails to fence a ten acre lot.

In the following year he hired himself at twelve dollars a month, to assist in building a flat-boat, and afterward in taking the boat to New Orleans.  On his return from the voyage his employer put him in charge as clerk of a store and mill at New Salem, then in Sangamon, now Menard county, Illinois.  On the breaking out of the Black Hawk war in 1832, he joined a volunteer company, and to his surprise, was elected captain of it, a promotion which he was wont to say gave him more pleasure than any subsequent success of his life.  He served for three months in the campaign, and on his return was in the same year nominated a Whig candidate for the Legislature ;  but the county being democratic, he was beated [bested?] ;  though his own election election [sic] precinct gave him 277 votes and only seven against him.  He next opened a country store, which was not prosperous, was appointed Postmaster of New Salem and now began to study law by borrowing from a neighboring lawyer books, which he took home in the evening and returned in the morning.  The surveyor of Sangamon county, offered to depute to him that portion of his work which was in his part of the county.  Mr. Lincoln procured a compass and chain and treaties on surveying and did the work.  In 1834 he was elected to the Legislature by a larger vote than was cast for any candidate, and was re-elected in 1836, 1838 and 1840.  In 1836, he removed to Springfield, and began to study law.  He rose rapidly to distinction in his profession, and was especially eminent as advocate in jury trial.  He did not, however, withdraw from politics, but continued for many years a prominent leader of the Whig party of Illinois.  He was several times a candidate for Presidential elector, and as such, in 1844, he canvassed the entire State, together with part of Indiana, in behalf of Henry Clay, making almost daily speeches to large audiences.  In 1846 he was elected a Pepresentative [sic] in Congress from the Central District of Illinois.  In Congress he voted 42 times for the Wilmot Proviso.¹  In 1849 he offered to the house a scheme for abolishing Slavery in the District of Columbia, by compensating the slaveholders from the Territory of the United States, providing a majority of the citizens of the District should ratify the proposition.  He opposed the annexation of Texas, but voted to defray the expenses of the Mexican war.  He voted also in favor of river and harbor improvements, in favor of a protective tariff and for selling the public lands at the lowest cash price.

He was a member of the Whig National Convention of 1843, and advocated the nomination of Gen. Taylor.  In 1849 he was a candidate for the United States Senate, against Gen. Shields, who was elected.  Alter the expiration of his Congressional term, Mr. Lincoln applied himself to his profession till the repeal of the Missouri Compromise called him again into the political arena.  It was mainly due to his exertions that the Republicans triumphed, and that Judge Trumbull was elected U. S. Senator in place of Gen. Shields.

At the Republican National Convention in 1856, the Illinois delegation ineffectually urged Mr. Lincoln’s nomination for Vice President.

On June 2d, 1858, Mr. Lincoln received the unanimous nomination of the Republican State Convention at Springfield as U. S. Senator in opposition to Mr. Douglas [Stephen A. Douglas].  The two candidates canvassed the State together, speaking on the same day at the same place.  The debate was conducted with eminent ability on both sides, and excited unusual interest.  The result of the election was a Republican majority of 4,000 on the popular vote—but the latter was elected Senator by the Legislature, in which his party had a majority of eight votes.

The national reputation won by Mr. Lincoln in his triumphant tilt with the Democratic champion secured him the nomination for the Presidency by the Republican National Convention, which assembled at Chicago on May 16, 1860.

In consequence of the disruption of the Democratic party, the Southern wing of which nominated John C. Breckinridge, and the Northern Stephen A. Douglas as his competitors, he was duly elected President of the United States—and this event, which was contemplated and contrived by the Southern Democratic leaders as a pretext for secession, was at once hailed as a signal for consummating the great conspiracy of Disunion, which had been on foot for many years.  And when, four months afterward, Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated—a new and vast organized power disputed his constitutional authority to execute the laws of the United States over nearly one half of the national domain.

How this plain and simple man met this prodigious peril to the life of the Republic, how he foiled this mighty public enemy, step by step, and how he finally put it under his feet—these constitute the history of his eventful administration, a brief notice of which we intended to make here, but which, as we approach it, unfolds in so many grand and impressive aspects, as to compel us to postbone [sic] a review of it to an occasion when when [sic] we have more space and time.  Into these last four years of his life are crowded centuries of history.  What has been accomplished, how wisely and how well the mighty work entrusted to Mr. Lincoln has been done, no one needs a verbal reminder.

1.  The Wilmot Proviso, would have banned slavery in any territory to be acquired from Mexico in the Mexican War. It was one of the events—like the Missouri Compromise, the Compromise of 1850, the Fugitive Slave Act—that led to the Civil War.

1865 April 22: Editorial on the Murder of President Lincoln

The following editorial, probably by Editor Sam Fifield, appeared in the April 22, 1865, issue of The Polk County Press.

Murder of President Lincoln.

Before this paper reaches our readers, the dreadful tidings of the death of Abraham Lincoln, by assassination, will have brought unuterable [sic] grief to the loyal millions of our land.

Scanning the history of the nation from its first days until the present time, with the astonishing occurences [sic] of the last five years freshly remembered, we hesitate to say, that no event has more profoundly shirred the depths of the hearts of the American people, than this latest culminating act of a rebellion, which, originating like the primal revolt of Satan, in a wicked and audacious ambition, like that ends, when foiled at last, in an exhibition of diabolical malignity worthy of the hell whence it draws its imspiration.  For though the murderer of the President, as is now susposed [sic], is a man—no, a wretch—of the north, of the loyal section of the country, it is none the less palpable that the fell deed was perpetrated, in the name and for the sake of the unholy rebellion which has been maintained now, with varied fortunes for more than four years, until at length virtually conquered, and about to be crushed under the heel of a virtuous and indignant patriotism, it rallies all its power and venom, not for the furtherance of any of its special and avowed objects,—it is impotent for that—but only to show in a mad, blind, reckless impulse, the intensity of its malice, the bitterness of its disappointment, the fury of its rage, the extremity of its despair, at its utter and dire discomfiture, and by some fell sting or blow to leave as poignant a pang as it might, in the great loyal heart of the nation.  nd only too successfully has that end been effected.

Abraham Lincoln, the people’s chosen chief, freedom’s annointed [sic] evangelist, the defender of the constitution, the vindicator of outraged law, the foe of traitors and oppressors, the friend of the poor, the lowly and the injured, the chief magistrate who, as has been said, was too merciful to be just, the man who in the exaltation of supreme office, forgot not with yearning love to seek the welfare of his fellow men,—this ruler, philanthropist, hero and friend, beloved at home and abroad by the good, hated by the bad, is dead—a murdered martyred victim of the hell-born hatred which the evil ever bear towards the good.  He is dead, and the bitter grief of a nation, prove how truly his murderers divined where was the most sensitive point at which to inflict pain on a loyal freedom loving people.

There is a mournful satisfaction in the thought that the President in the unconsciousness which instantly followed the unforseen [sic] and fatal wound, was never for a moment agonized by a sense of calamity to himself, his country or his family—that the serene mind induced by the assured triumph of the cause in which he had so faithfully labored, and by the glorious results, but recently developed, of the grand and benevolent policy of his administration, was never for a moment disturbed, but that his great soul, released from its mortal tenement, emerged into another world there first to learn of the tremendous event which had wrought the change he then first realized—there were he may comprehend by sight, what we know by faith, that out of this evil, God will bring good; that as the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church, so this costly immolation will multiply the number of those who abhor human slavery, and seek its extirpation.  For beyond a doubt it was in their character of illustrious and successful champions of the down-troden [sic] ones of our race, that Abraham Lincoln and William H. Seward, were especially obnoxious to the assassins and traitors of the land, north and south.

The life of Secretary Seward, who at about the same hour of the attack on the President, was also murderously assaulted, in his sick bed, is not according to our latest advices despaired of.  It will seem wonderful, if the venerated old Statesman now advanced in years, and of infirm health shall survive such a shock.  And yet it is not wonderful that even the brutal hand which held the dagger above him should have been unnerved, and almost turned from its savage purpose, and should have descended with faltering force, before the imploring eyes and beseeching deprecatory gestures of that helpless, prostrate old man.

It were scarcely wonderful that even the cold glittering steel, more merciful than the fiend who grasped it, should refuse to penetrate the heart which had throbed [sic] so long and faithfully in pity for human suffering.

As to the assassins, their instigators, their accessories, if any there are, before or after the fact—the northern rebels, whose malign and baleful influence has so infected the moral atmosphere about them, as that such crimes have become possible in our country, tens of thousands of their wreched [sic] lives would be no expiation of the deed which has brought us such mourning and such loss.  Let the law be vindicated; but we have no vengeance to wreak on their miserable bodies, or souls.  In this connection the scripture aptly quoted in the inaugural message, the last official communication of our lamented President to his people, will be sadly remembered, “Woe unto the world because of offences !  for it must needs be that offences come, but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh.”¹

1.  From the Bible, book of Matthew, chapter 18, verse 7; King James version.

1865 April 15: Abraham Lincoln Dead

After attending an April 11, 1865, speech in which U.S. President Abraham Lincoln promoted voting rights for Blacks, Confederate sympathizer John Wilkes Booth became incensed and determined to assassinate the President.  Booth did not act alone, however; his assassination of Lincoln was part of a larger conspiracy.  The well-known actor (and Confederate spy) shot Lincoln in the back of the head at about 10:15 p.m. on the evening of April 14, 1865, at Ford’s Theatre in Washington, D.C.  The President was taken across the street to Petersen House, where he died the next morning at 7:22 a.m.

Once again we are posting about an important event on the day it happened rather than when it appeared in the local northwest Wisconsin newspapers.  Both of our newspapers—The Polk County Press and The Prescott Journal—had not yet heard about the assassination when their April 15, 1865, newspapers were being printed and distributed.  Their coverage will appear in the next week’s issues (April 22).

For this post we are using an image from a facsimile¹ of The New York Herald of Saturday, April 15, 1865, which is in the special collections of the University Archives and Area Research Center at the University of Wisconsin-River Falls.  The thick black lines were a typical Victorian-era sign of mourning.  The dispatch from the Secretary of War announcing Lincoln’s death appears in the column under the picture that starts “EXTRA.”

THE PRESIDENT DEAD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, }
WASHINGTON, April 15—7:30 A. M. }

Major General Dix, New York :—

Abraham Lincoln died this morning at twenty-two minutes past 7 o’clock.

EDWIN M. STANTON,
.                      .Secretary of War.
.

1.  On page 4 of this facsimile there is, in the bottom left, a small notice that reads, “Valuable Souvenir, To Our Friends North or South.  The outside pages of this paper are a fac-simile of the New York Herald as it was printed and sent out April 15th, 1865, giving full particulars of the news of that date, and is a curiosity that you may not be able to again secure ;  and is sent North, South, East and West.  To our friends in the South we wish to say that we send it sincerely trusting that it will cause no hard feelings, and that they with the North are thankful for the Union of to-day, and that our children and our children’s children with all future generations, may remain united with the bond of love and be proud of our country.

“The inside pages contain facts regarding Dr. Archambault’s remedies.  We can honestly recommend them, and as time goes by, adding to the IMMENSE VOLUME of unsolicited testimonials, feel that we are adding to the health and welfare of our fellow-men.  We shall always be in business, so that if our medicines are not required to-day, you can write us, always knowing that your communication will receive a prompt answer and the best of care and attention.

“Be sure and read the inside pages.  Yours kindly, THE DR. ARCHAMBAULT CO.”

 

1865 March 18: Letter Describing Lincoln’s Inauguration

The following letter about President Abraham Lincoln’s second inauguration comes from The Prescott Journal of March 18, 1865.

THE INAUGURATION.

Unfavorable Weather—A Great Crowd in Attendance—
An Auspicious Omen—The Inaugural Address—
The Reception at the President’s—A Great Jam—
Mr. Lincoln careworn.

Editorial Correspondence of the State Journal.

WASHINGTON, March 4.

Dear Journal :—This has been a proud day for Abraham Lincoln, and for the United States.  Since the days of Old Hickory,¹ no man has been sufficiently strong with the American people to receive a re-election to the highest position in their gift, until they found in Abraham Lincoln, all that is noble, wise and honest, and with an enthusiasm and unanimity never before known in the country, he was chosen for a second term, and today witnessed his re-inauguration, in the presence of assembled thousands and tens of thousands ;  and amid the huzzus [sic: huzzahs] of grateful and admiring people.

It is not my intention to give any extended notice of the ceremony.  This will reach you from other sources, more ably done, than I could hope to do it, and my time is too much occupied to do more than to give a few brief paragraphs.

For the past week, strangers have been pouring into the city from all parts of the country until, for several days, it was impossible to find a place more eligible than the soft side of a plank upon which to sleep.  On Thursday morning the rain began to fall, and continued through that day and the next, rendering the streets muddy to a fearful degree.  Saturday morning came, and with it every indication of a terrific storm.  At five o’clock the wind blew furiously, causing the people to shudder, as if the rebels were upon them.  At nine o’clock, while we were at breakfast, darkness came upon us, as if in a total eclipse, rendering the lighting of gas necessary.  All anticipations of pleasure during the day vanished.  All hope of witnessing the inauguration, except to such as could find place in the Senate Chamber, was at an end.  Tens of thousands who had come thousands of miles to behold the ceremony, felt that they were doomed to a sad disappointment, and gloom pervaded every locality.  At about 10 o’clock the clouds lighted up a little, and the masses were on their way to the Capitol.  The rain continued to drizzle every few moments, but it had no terror for the people.  They were all striving to find some spot where they could witness the inaugural ceremony.  It mattered not whether mud was one inch or twelve inches in depth ;  or whether ladies were dressed in calico or satin ;  regardless of all comfort, of all things, except the one great event, they made their way as fast as they could to some point as near the stand as possible.  Thus passed the time till 12 o’clock.  Once all the chairs from the platform were removed, during a shower indicating that the ceremony was to take place within the Capitol.  The hopes of the crowed again sunk.  As the important time approached, the chairs were returned to their place on the platform—all eyes brightened, and were anxiously turned to the East front of the Capitol.

The procession finally arrived.  The door of the eastern front of the Capitol were thrown open ;  the Chief Marshal appeared on the platform ;  he was followed by the Judges of the Supreme Court, headed by the majestic Chief Justice Chase [Salmon P. Chase], all wearing their full silk robes.  The tall form of the President appeared.  At this very moment the sun came out clear.  Shining brightly upon the scene below, for the first time in three days.  The clouds broke away at once, and the balance of the day was as beautiful as was ever seen here or elsewhere.  He was bullied with shout upon shout from tens of thousands of throats.  The platform was soon filled with dignitaries who had been within the Capitol, including foreign ministers, &c., &c.  The oath of office was administered by the Chief Justice in an impressive manner.  The inaugural address was then pronounced by the President, earnestly and distinctly.  At its close, the huzzas of the multitude and the booming of cannon, announced to the surrounding country that Abraham Lincoln had been duly inaugurated President of the United States for a second term of four years.

The spectacle was sublime, and the happiness of the people was unbounded.  The prayer of the nation is, that the noble head may live through his term, and that during that time, peace may be restored, and all portions of the country brought to rally under the old flag, in harmony and prosperity.

We are no believer in omen, but may we not look upon the weather preceding the inauguration, and that which followed, as ominous.  For days heavy clouds hung over us, and then the threatening storm as of a tornado, the elements gave way, and all was bright and glorious.  During the first term of the President, clouds have hung over country.  At times fearful forebodings have been witnessed, as of impending ruin.  Now, as the second term commences, all is hopeful of peace and quiet.  The sun shines upon the country, and every loyal heart boats high with assurance of an early triumph of the National force over all of its enemies, and of a  speedy restoration of the Union in all of its former unanimity and glory.  God speed today.

Prior to the ceremonies above alluded to, within the Senate Chamber, the Vice President was inaugurated.  This ceremony was witnessed by all who could gain admittance to the room.  It being so similar to what every body has seen in the opening of our State Senate, no description seems necessary.  Vice President Hamlin² delivered a brief and feeling speech on retiring, after which he introduced Mr. Johnson, administered to him the oath of office, and the new Vice President delivered a speech of some length, not in every respect specially appropriate, yet correct in sentiment.  Mr. Johnson has just recovered from severe illness, and is hardly himself as yet.  The people expect much from him, and we trust they will not deceived.  In the past, he has done nobly.  In the future, we hope he will do even better.

                                                                                          March 5, 1865.

Last evening the President held a grand reception—more correctly, a grand jam.—Everybody was there, and we should say everybody’s relations.  For about three and a half hours the President stood in one spot, shaking hands with the people as fast as they could crowd past him ;  and when the doors were closed for the night, thousands were outside, intent upon gaining admission to the Presidential mansion.  We were fortunate enough to gain admittance, but were pained to witness the care-worn appearance of Mr. Lincoln.  During the whole night previous he was at the Capitol, attending upon the last hours of Congress ;  and the labors of the day had been immense.  To crowd upon him such labors in the evening seemed almost cruel.  But the people must see him, and they did.  The noble old chief had a kind word for all, and his tall form—ungainly though it may be called—towered above all others, and was the object of special admiration to all present.  As we stood in the crowd, we witnessed one distinguished man looking intent upon the President, and after a few moments he said, audibly, “Say what they will, Old Abe is the noblest looking man in the nation.”  In this expression we felt to respond with a hearty Amen!

For the present, adieu.                       D. A.

1.  Andrew Jackson, 7th president of the United States (1767-1845).
2.  Lincoln’s first vice president was Hannibal Hamlin (1809-1891), the 26th governor of Maine (1857), a U.S. senator (1848-57, 1857-61, 1869-81) and member of the House of Representatives (1843-47) from Maine, and the United States Minister of Spain (1881-82).

1865 March 11: Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address — “With malice toward none, with charity for all”

Unlike today, in the 1860s the president took office in early March.  President Abraham Lincoln’s second inauguration was on March 4, 1865, and he gave his inaugural address from the steps of the nearly-completed U.S. Capitol building.  His address appeared in The Polk County Press of March 11, 1865.  Editor Sam Fifield wrote a short editorial about the speech, which we transcribe first as an introduction.  As usual, the speech as printed in the Press has small differences from what as become the standard version—extra punctuation and paragraph breaks, plus a very few words missing or changed.

Lincoln’s inaugural speech also appeared in The Prescott Journal, one week later in its March 18, 1865, issue.  The Journal added a paragraph before and after the speech, which we put here at the end.

The Inaugural Message.

President LINCOLN’s second inaugural message will be found in our columns to-day.  It will be recognized by the people of to-day, and by history forever, as the wise and thoughtful utterance of an eminently conscientious ruler.

The nation has a conscience, residing wherever among the people, love to God and man, and hatred of oppression and wrong, reside.  To the sentiments of the message, this uncorrupted national conscience will respond heartily, amen !  Those whose hearts rankle with malignity at the prospects of the elevation and enfranshisement of an oppressed and suffering race, will denounce the large hearted philanthropy of the message as “abolition twaddle.”

Those who, being of a christian people, and living in the moral atmosphere of christendom, yet regard christianity as a humbug, useful for amusing the masses, but especially out of place in State relations, will characterize the religious expressions of the message as “pious cant” ill becoming the office and the occasion.  But the people, the honest God-fearing ones, will see in this document, that the honest God-fearing heart of the man of their choice, and will say spontaneously “may God bless ABRAHAM LINCOLN !”

Chief Justice Chase [Salmon P. Chase] administered the oath of office on the eastern portico, where the President delivered his inaugural address.

The inaugural ceremonies were grand, notwithstanding the rain, and mud that prevailed.

Abraham Lincoln delivering his second inaugural address, March 4, 1865, from the Library of Congress¹

The President’s Second Inaugural.

WASHINGTON, March 4,—the following is the President’s message :

Cropped close-up of Lincoln giving his inaugural address, from the Library of Congress¹

FELLOW COUNTRYMEN :—At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.  Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper ;  now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.

The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.  With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago.  All thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war ;  all dreaded it ;  all sought to avoid it.  While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war ;  seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects by negotiation.  Both parties deprecated war ;  but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.  So the war came.

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it.—These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.  All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.  To strengthen, perpetuate and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war.  While the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it, neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained ;  neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease, or even before the conflict itself should cease, each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding ;  both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other.

It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces, but let us ‘judge not, that we be not judged.’

The prayers of both should not be answered—that of neither has been answered fully.

The Almighty has His own purpose—“woe unto the world because of offences, for it must needs be that offences come, but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh.”

If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war as the “woe due to those by whom the offence came,” shall we discern there is any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always attribute to him ?

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away ;  yet if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmen’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk and until every drop of blood “drawn with the lash shall be by another drawn with the sword,” as was said three thousand years ago,—so still it must be said “the judgements of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.”  With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, and care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

From The Prescott Journal:

The inauguration took place at noon to-day.  There was a large concourse of people to witness the ceremony, though rain was falling and the streets almost impassable from mud.  The procession escorting the President elect reached the Capitol at about 11:45 A. M.  Chief Justice Chase administered the oath of office on the eastern portico of the Capitol, where the President delivered his address.  There was a very large attendance, and the scene was one of marked interest.

After the Inauguration of the President that of the Vice President [Andrew Johnson] took place in the Senate chamber, where he delivered an eloquent address.  The floor of the Senate chamber was crowded to its utmost by Senators, Members elect and Ex-members of Congress, Justices of the Supreme Court, army and naval officers, foreign ministers in full dress, governors of states and territories, all the members of the cabinet and other distinguished personages.  The President entered the Senate Chamber after the Vice President had delivered his address, and while the retiring Vice President was administering to him the oath to support and defend the Constitution, and also the oath of allegiance.  The galleries were densely filled.  Thousands of strangers came hither to-day to witness the ceremonies.  To-night the Executive Mansion was thrown open for a public reception.  The pressure was immense.

1.  “[Abraham Lincoln delivering his second inaugural address as President of the United States, Washington, D.C.],” Alexander Gardner, photographer. A digital copy is available from the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division. LC-DIG-ppmsca-23718 (digital file from original) LC-USZ62-1676 (b&w film copy neg.) LC-USZ6-83 (b&w film copy neg.)

1864 December 17: Lincoln’s 4th Annual Message to Congress

President Abraham Lincoln sent his fourth annual message, which was read before both houses of Congress on December 6, 1864.  It was printed in the December 17, 1864, issues of both The Polk County Press and The Prescott Journal.

President’s Message.

Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives :

Again the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our profoundest gratitude to Almighty God.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory.

Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war.  While our political relations with that country have undergone no change, we have at the same time strictly maintained neutrality between the belligerents.

At the request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a competent engineer has been authorized to make a survey of the river San Juan and the port of San Juan.  It is a source of much satisfaction that the difficulties which for a moment excited some political apprehensions and caused a closing of the inter-oceanic transit route have been amicably adjusted, and that there is a good prospect that the route will soon be reopened with an increase of capacity and adaptation.  We could not exaggerate either the commercial or the political importance of that great improvement.

It would be doing injustice to an important South American State not to acknowledge the directness, frankness, and cordiality with which the United States of Colombia have entered into intimate relations with this Government.  A Claims Convention has been constituted to complete the unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 1861.

The new liberal Constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect with the universal acquiescence of the people, the Government under it has been recognized, and diplomatic intercourse with it has opened in a cordial and friendly spirit.  The long-deferred Avis [sic: Aves] Island claim has been satisfactorily paid and discharged.

Our relations are of the most friendly nature with Chile, the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and Hayti.  During the past year no differences of any kind have arisen with any of those Republics, and, on the other hand, their sympathies with the United States are constantly expressed.

The claim arising from the seizure of the cargo of the brig Macedonian in 1821 has been paid in full by the Government of Chile.  Civil war continues in the Spanish part of San Domingo, apparently without prospect of an early close.

Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and it gives us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that Republic. It may be expected to derive new vigor from American influence, improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the United States.  I solicit your authority to furnish to the Republic a gunboat at moderate cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by installments.  Such a vessel is needed for the safety of that State against the native African races, and in Liberian hands it would be more effective in arresting the African slave trade than a squadron in our own hands.  The possession of the least organized naval force would stimulate a generous ambition in the Republic, and the confidence which we should manifest by furnishing it would win forbearance and favor toward the colony from all civillxed [sic] nations.

The proposed overland telegraph between America and Europe, by the way of Behrings [sic] Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress at the last session, has been undertaken, under very favorable circumstances, by an association of American citizens, with the cordial good will and support as well of this Government as of those of Great Britain and Russia.  Assurances have been received from most of the South American States of their high appreciation of the enterprise and their readiness to cooperate in constructing lines tributary to that world-encircling communication.

I learn with much satisfaction that the noble design of a telegraphic communication between the eastern coast of America and Great Britain has been renewed, with full expectation of its early accomplishment.  Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic peace the country will be able to resume with energy and advantage its former high career of commerce and civilization.

Our very popular and estimable representative in Egypt died in April last.  An unpleasant altercation which arose between the temporary incumbent of the office and the Government of the Pasha resulted in a suspension of intercourse.  The evil was promptly corrected on the arrival of the successor in the consulate, and our relations with Egypt, as well as our relations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely satisfactory.

The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China has at last been suppressed, with the cooperating good offices of this Government and of the other Western commercial States.  The judicial consular establishment there has become very difficult and onerous, and it will need legislative revision to adapt it to the extension of our commerce and to the more intimate intercourse which has been instituted with the Government and people of that vast Empire.  China seems to be accepting with hearty good will the conventional laws which regulate commercial and social intercourse among the Western nations.

Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan and the anomalous form of its Government, the action of that Empire in performing treaty stipulations is inconstant and capricious.  Nevertheless, good progress has been effected by the Western powers, moving with enlightened concert.  Our own pecuniary claims have been allowed or put in course of settlement, and the inland sea has been reopened to commerce.  There is reason also to believe that these proceedings have increased rather than diminished the friendship of Japan toward the United States.

OPENING REBEL PORTS.

The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been opened by proclamation.  It is hoped that foreign merchants will now consider whether it is not safer and more profitable to themselves, as well as just to the United States, to resort to these and other open ports than it is to pursue, through many hazards and at vast cost, a contraband trade with other ports which are closed.

LEGISLATION AGAINST SLAVE TRADERS.

For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of the Executive, under the law of nations, to exclude enemies of the human race from an asylum in the United States.  If Congress should think that proceedings in such cases lack the authority of law, or ought to be further regulated by it, I recommend that provision be made for effectually preventing foreign slave traders from acquiring domicile and facilities for their criminal occupation in our country.

RECOGNITION OF SOUTHERN PIRACY.

It is possible that if it were new and open question the maritime powers, with the lights they now enjoy, would not concede the privileges of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United States, destitute, as they are, and always have been, equally of ships of war and of ports and harbors.  Disloyal emissaries have been neither less assiduous nor more successful during the last year than they were before that time in their efforts under favor of that privilege, to embroil our country in foreign wars.  The desire and determination of the governments of the maritime states to defeat that design are believed to be as sincere as and can not be more earnest than our own.  Nevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties have arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports and on the northern boundary of the United States, which have required, and are likely to continue to require, the practice of constant vigilance and a just and conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States, as well as of the nations concerned and their governments.

ADJUSTMENT OF CLAIMS.

Commissioners have been appointed under the treaty with Great Britain on the adjustment of the claims of the Hudson Bay and Puget’s Sound Agricultural Companies, in Oregon, and are now proceeding to the execution of the trust assigned to them.

THE CANADIAN RAIDS.

In view of the insecurity of life and property in the region adjacent to the Canadian border, by reason of recent assaults and depredations committed by inimical and desperate persons who are harbored there, it has been thought proper to give notice that after the expiration of six months, the period conditionally stipulated in the existing arrangement with Great Britain, the United States must hold themselves at liberty to increase their naval armament upon the Lakes if they shall find that proceeding necessary.

The condition of the border will necessarily come into consideration in connection with the question of continuing or modifying the rights of transit from Canada through the United States, as well as the regulation of imposts, which were temporarily established by the reciprocity treaty of the 5th June, 1854.  I desire, however, to be understood while making this statement that the colonial authorities of Canada are not deemed to be intentionally unjust or unfriendly toward the United States, but, on the contrary, there is every reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial Government, they will take the necessary measures to prevent new incursions across the border.

IMMIGRATION.

The act passed at the last session for the encouragement of immigration has so far as was possible been put into operation.  It seems to need amendment which will enable the officers of the Government to prevent the practice of frauds against the immigrants while on their way and on their arrival in the ports, so as to secure them here a free choice of avocations and places of settlement.  A liberal disposition toward this great national policy is manifested by most of the European states, and ought to be reciprocated on our part by giving the immigrants effective national protection.

I regard our immigrants as one of the principal replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to repair the ravages of internal war and its wastes of national strength and health.  All that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream in its present fullness, and to that end the Government must in every way make it manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary military service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot in our country.

THE FINANCES.

The financial affairs of the Government have been successfully administered during the last year.  The legislation of the last session of Congress has beneficially affected the revenues, although sufficient time has not yet elapsed to experience the full effect of several of the provisions of the acts of Congress imposing increased taxation.

The receipts during the year from all sources, upon the basis of warrants signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, including loans and the balance in the Treasury on the 1st day of July, 1863, were $1,394,796,007.62, and the aggregate disbursements, upon the same basis, were $1,298,056,101.89, leaving a balance in the Treasury, as shown by warrants, of $96,739,905.73.  Deduct from these amounts the amount of the principal of the public debt redeemed and the amount of issues in substitution therefor, and the actual cash operations of the Treasury were :  Receipts, $884,076,646.57; disbursements, $865,234,087.86; which leaves a cash balance in the Treasury of $18,842,558.71.

Of the receipts there were derived from customs $102,316,152.99, from lands $588,333.29, from direct taxes $475,648.96, from internal revenue $109,741,134.10, from miscellaneous sources $47,511,448.10, and from loans applied to actual expenditures, including former balance, $623,443,929.13.  There were disbursed for the civil service $27,505,599.46, for pensions and Indians $7,517,930.97, for the War Department $690,791,842.97, for the Navy Department $85,733,292.77, for interest on the public debt $53,685,421.69, making an aggregate of $865,234,087.86 and leaving a balance in the Treasury of $18,842,558.71, as before stated.

For the actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter and the estimated receipts and disbursements for the three remaining quarters of the current fiscal year, and the general operations of the Treasury in detail, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.  I concur with him in the opinion that the proportion of moneys required to meet the expenses consequent upon the war derived from taxation should be still further increased ;  and I earnestly invite your attention to this subject, to the end that there may be such additional legislation as shall be required to meet the just expectations of the Secretary.

THE PUBLIC DEBT.

The public debt on the 1st day of July last, as appears by the books of the Treasury, amounted to $1,740,690,489.49.  Probably, should the war continue for another year, that amount may be increased by not far from five hundred millions.  Held, as it is, for the most part by our own people, it has become a substantial branch of national, though private, property.  For obvious reasons the more nearly this property can be distributed among all the people the better.  To favor such general distribution, greater inducements to become owners might, perhaps, with good effect and without injury be presented to persons of limited means.

With this view I suggest whether it might not be both competent and expedient for Congress to provide that a limited amount of some future issue of public securities might be held by any bona fide purchaser exempt from taxation and from seizure for debt, under such restrictions and limitations as might be necessary to guard against abuse of so important a privilege.  This would enable every prudent person to set aside a small annuity against a possible day of want.  Privileges like these would render the possession of such securities to the amount limited most desirable to every person of small means who might be able to save enough for the purpose.  The great advantage of citizens being creditors as well as debtors with relation to the public debt is obvious.  Men readily perceive that they can not be much oppressed by a debt which they owe to themselves.

The public debt on the 1st day of July last, although somewhat exceeding the estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury made to Congress at the commencement of the last session, falls short of the estimate of that officer made in the preceding December as to its probable amount at the beginning of this year by the sum of $3,995,097.31.  This fact exhibits a satisfactory condition and conduct of the operations of the Treasury.

THE NATIONAL BANK SYSTEM.

The national banking system is proving to be acceptable to capitalists and to the people.  On the 25th day of November 584 national banks had been organized, a considerable number of which were conversions from State banks.  Changes from State systems to the national system are rapidly taking place, and it is hoped that very soon there will be in the United States no banks of issue not authorized by Congress and no bank-note circulation not secured by the Government.

That the Government and the people will derive great benefit from this change in the banking systems of the country can hardly be questioned.  The national system will create a reliable and permanent influence in support of the national credit and protect the people against losses in the use of paper money.  Whether or not any further legislation is advisable for the suppression of State-bank issues it will be for Congress to determine.  It seems quite clear that the Treasury can not be satisfactorily conducted unless the Government can exercise a restraining power over the bank-note circulation of the country.

THE WAR DEPARTMENT.

The report of the Secretary of War and the accompanying documents will detail the campaigns of the armies in the field since the date of the last annual message, and also the operations of the several administrative bureaus of the War Department during the last year.  It will also specify the measures deemed essential for the national defense and to keep up and supply the requisite military force.

THE NAVY.

The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a comprehensive and satisfactory exhibit of the affairs of that Department and of the naval service.  It is a subject of congratulation and laudable pride to our countrymen that a Navy of such vast proportions has been organized in so brief a period and conducted with so much efficiency and success.

The general exhibit of the Navy, including vessels under construction on the 1st of December, 1864, shows a total of 671 vessels, carrying 4,610 guns, and of 510,396 tons, being an actual increase during the year, over and above all losses by shipwreck or in battle, of 83 vessels, 167 guns, and 42,427 tons.  The total number of men at this time in the naval service, including officers, is about 51,000.

There have been captured by the Navy during the year 324 vessels, and the whole number of naval captures since hostilities commenced is 1,379, of which 267 are steamers.  The gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned prize property thus far reported amount to $14,396,250.51.  A large amount of such proceeds is still under adjudication and yet to be reported.  The total expenditure of the Navy Department of every description, including the cost of the immense squadrons that have been called into existence from the 4th of March, 1861, to the 1st of November, 1864, is $238,647,262.35.

Your favorable consideration is invited to the various recommendations of the Secretary of the Navy, especially in regard to a navy-yard and suitable establishment for the construction and repair of iron vessels and the machinery and armature for our ships, to which reference was made in my last annual message.  Your attention is also invited to the views expressed in the report in relation to the legislation of Congress at its last session in respect to prize on our inland waters.  I cordially concur in the recommendation of the Secretary as to the propriety of creating the new rank of vice-admiral in our naval service.

POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT.

Your attention is invited to the report of the Postmaster-General for a detailed account of the operations and financial condition of the Post-Office Department.  The postal revenues for the year ending June 30, 1864, amounted to $12,438,253.78 and the expenditures to $12,644,786.20, the excess of expenditures over receipts being $206,652.42.  The views presented by the Postmaster-General on the subject of special grants by the Government in aid of the establishment of new lines of ocean mail steamships and the policy he recommends for the development of increased commercial intercourse with adjacent and neighboring countries should receive the careful consideration of Congress.

THE NEW STATE.

The organization and admission of the State of Nevada has been completed in conformity with law, and thus our excellent system is firmly established in the mountains, which once seemed a barren and uninhabitable waste between the Atlantic States and those which have grown up on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.

THE TERRITORIES

The Territories of the Union are generally in a condition of prosperity and rapid growth.  Idaho and Montana, by reason of their great distance and the interruption of communication with them by Indian hostilities, have been only partially organized; but it is understood that these difficulties are about to disappear, which will permit their governments, like those of the others, to go into speedy and full operation.

DEPARTMENT OF INTERIOR.

It is of noteworthy interest that the steady expansion of population, improvement, and governmental institutions over the new and unoccupied portions of our country have scarcely been checked, much less impeded or destroyed, by our great civil war, which at first glance would seem to have absorbed almost the entire energies of the nation.

As intimately connected with and promotive of this material growth of the nation, I ask the attention of Congress to the valuable information and important recommendations relating to the public lands, Indian affairs, the Pacific Railroad, and mineral discoveries contained in the report of the Secretary of the Interior which is herewith transmitted, and which report also embraces the subjects of patents, pensions, and other topics of public interest pertaining to his Department.

THE PUBLIC LANDS.

The quantity of public land disposed of during the five quarters ending on the 30th of September last was 4,221,342 acres, of which 1,538,614 acres were entered under the homestead law.  The remainder was located with military land warrants, agricultural scrip certified to States for railroads, and sold for cash.  The cash received from sales and location fees was $1,019,446.  The income from sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864, was $678,007.21, against $136,077.95 received during the preceding year.  The aggregate number of acres surveyed during the year has been equal to the quantity disposed of, and there is open to settlement about 133,000,000 acres of surveyed land.

PACIFIC RAILROAD.

The great enterprise of connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific States by railways and telegraph lines has been entered upon with a vigor that gives assurance of success, notwithstanding the embarrassments arising from the prevailing high prices of materials and labor.  The route of the main line of the road has been definitely located for 100 miles westward from the initial point at Omaha City, Nebraska, and a preliminary location of the Pacific Railroad of California has been made from Sacramento eastward to the great bend of the Truckee River in Nevada.

MINES.

Numerous discoveries of gold, silver, and cinnabar mines have been added to the many heretofore known, and the country occupied by the Sierra Nevada and Rocky mountains and the subordinate ranges now teems with enterprising labor, which is richly remunerative.  It is believed that the product of the mines of precious metals in that region has during the year reached, if not exceeded $100, 000, 000 in value.

THE INDIAN SYSTEM.

It was recommended in my last annual message that our Indian system be remodeled.  Congress at its last session, acting upon the recommendation, did provide for reorganizing the system in California, and it is believed that under the present organization the management of the Indians there will be attended with reasonable success.  Much yet remains to be done to provide for the proper government of the Indians in other parts of the country, to render it secure for the advancing set-tier, and to provide for the welfare of the Indian.  The Secretary reiterates his recommendations, and to them the attention of Congress is invited.

PENSIONS.

The liberal provisions made by Congress for paying pensions to invalid soldiers and sailors of the Republic and to the widows, orphans, and dependent mothers of those who have fallen in battle or died of disease contracted or of wounds received in the service of their country have been diligently administered.  There have been added to the pension rolls during the year ending the 30th day of June last the names of 16,770 invalid soldiers and of 271 disabled seamen, making the present number of army invalid pensioners 22,767 and of navy invalid pensioners 712.  Of widows, orphans, and mothers 22,198 have been placed on the army pension rolls and 248 on the navy rolls.  The present number of army pensioners of this class is 25,433 and of navy pensioners 793.  At the beginning of the year the number of Revolutionary pensioners was 1,430.  Only 12 of them were soldiers, of whom 7 have since died.  The remainder are those who under the law receive pensions because of relationship to Revolutionary soldiers.  During the year ending the 30th of June, 1864, $4,504,616.92 have been paid to pensioners of all classes.

DISTRICT OF COLOMBIA.

I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the benevolent institutions of the District of Columbia which have hitherto been established or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for information concerning them and in relation to the Washington Aqueduct, the Capitol, and other matters of local interest to the report of the Secretary.

AGRICULTURE.

The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of its present energetic and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself to the great and vital interest it was created to advance It is peculiarly the people’s Department, in which they feel more directly concerned than in any other.  I commend it to the continued attention and fostering care of Congress.

PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

The war continues.  Since the last annual message all the important lines and positions then occupied by our forces have been maintained and our arms have steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left in rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other States have again produced reasonably fair crops.

GEN. SHERMAN’S EXPEDITION.

The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the year is General Sherman’s attempted march of 300 miles directly through the insurgent region.  It tends to show a great increase of our relative strength that our General in Chief should feel able to confront and hold in check every active force of the enemy, and yet to detach a well-appointed large army to move on such an expedition.  The result not yet being known, conjecture in regard to it is not here indulged.

REORGANIZATION OF STATES.

Important movements have also occurred during the year to the effect of molding society for durability in the Union.  Although short of complete success, it is much in the fight direction that 12,000 citizens in each of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State governments, with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to maintain and administer them.  The movements in the same direction, more extensive though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee should not be overlooked.  But Maryland presents the example of complete success.  Maryland is secure to liberty and union for all the future.  The genius of rebellion will no more claim Maryland.  Like another foul spirit being driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no-more.

ABOLITION OF SLAVERY RECOMMENDED.

At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the Constitution abolishing slavery throughout the United States passed the Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of Representatives.  Although the present is the same Congress and nearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session.  Of course the abstract question is not changed ;  but in intervening election shows almost certainly that the next Congress will pass the measure if this does not.  Hence there is only a question of time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the States for their action, and as it is to so go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better.

It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes any further than, as an additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by it.  It is the voice of the people now for the first time heard upon the question.  In a great national crisis like ours unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable—almost indispensable.  And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority simply because it is the will of the majority.  In this case the common end is the maintenance of the Union, and among the means to secure that end such will, through the election, is most dearly declared in favor of such constitutional amendment.  The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country is derived through our popular elections.

THE MEANING OF THE ELECTION.

Judging by the recent canvass and its result, the purpose of the people within the loyal States to maintain the integrity of the Union was never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than now.  The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls give strong assurance of this.  Not only all those who supported the Union ticket, so called, but a great majority of the opposing party also may be fairly claimed to entertain and to be actuated by the same purpose.  It is an unanswerable argument to this effect that no candidate for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union.  There have been much impugning of motives and much heated controversy as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause, but on the distinct issue of Union or no Union the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people.  In affording the people the fair opportunity of showing one to another and to the world this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the national cause.

THE NATION GAINING STRENGTH.

The election has exhibited another tact not less valuable to be known—the fact that we do not approach exhaustion in the most important branch of national resources—that of living men. While it is melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many graves and carried mourning to so many hearts, it is some relief to know that, compared with the surviving, the fallen have been so few.  While corps and divisions and brigades and regiments have formed and fought and dwindled and gone out of existence, a great majority of the men who composed them are still living.  The same is true of the naval service ;  the election returns prove this.  So many voters could not else be found.

The States regularly holding elections, both now and four years ago, to wit, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin, east 3,982,011 votes now, against 3,870,222 cast then, showing an aggregate now of 3,982,011.  To this is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States of Kansas and Nevada, which States did not vote in 1860, thus swelling the aggregate to 4,015,773 and the net increase during the three years and a half of war to 145,551.  A table is appended showing particulars.

To this again should be added the number of all soldiers in the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and California, who by the laws of those States could not vote away from their homes, and which number can not be less than 90,000. Nor yet is this all. The number in organized Territories is triple now what it was four years ago, while thousands, white and black, join us as the national arms press back the insurgent lines.

So much is shown, affirmatively and negatively, by the election. It is not material to inquire how the increase has been produced or to show that it would have been greater but for the war, which is probably true. The important fact remains demonstrated that we have more men now than we had when the war began; that we are not exhausted nor in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining strength and may if need be maintain the contest indefinitely.

This as to men. Material resources are now more complete and abundant than ever.  The national resources, then, are un-exhausted, and, as we believe, inexhaustible.

NEGOTIATION WITH JEFF. DAVIS USELESS.

The public purpose to re-establish and maintain the national authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable.  The manner of continuing the effort remains to choose.  On careful consideration of all the evidence accessible, it seems to me that no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in any good.  He would accept of nothing short of the severance of the Union.  His declarations to that effect are explicit and oft-repeated.  He does not attempt to deceive us.  He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves.  We cannot voluntarily yield it.  Between him and us the issue is distinct, simple and inflexible.  It is an issue which can only be tried by war and decided by victory.  If we yield, we are beaten.  If the Southern people fail him, he is beaten.  Either way, it would be the victory and defeat following war.

HOW THE REBELS MAY HAVE PEACE.

What is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause, is not necessarily true of those who follow.  Although he cannot re-accept the Union, they can.  Some of them, we know, already desire peace and re-union.  They can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the National authority, under the Constitution.  After so much, the Government could not, if it would maintain war against them.  The loyal people would not sustain or allow it.

If questions should remain, we would adjust them by peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts and votes, operating only in Constitutional and lawful channels.—Some certain and other possible questions are and would by beyond the Executive power to adjust.  For instance, the admission of members into Congress, and whatever might require the appropriation of money.  The Executive power itself would be greatly diminished by the cessation of actual war.  Pardon and the remission of forfeiture, however, would still be within Executive control.  In what spirit and temper this control would be exercised can be fairly judged of by the past.

A year ago general Pardon and Amnesty, upon specified terms, were offered to all except a certain designated class, and it was at the same time known that the excepted classes were still within the contemplation of special clemency.  During the year many availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some led to such precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less easy and certain.  During the same time, also, special pardons have been granted to individuals of excepted classes, and no voluntary application has been denied.  Thus, practically, the door has for a full year been open to all such as were not in a condition to make a free choice—that is, such as were in custody or under constraint.  It is still open to all.  But the time may come—probably will come, when the public duty shall demand that it be closed, and that, in lieu, more vigorous measures than heretofore shall be adopted.

SLAVERY.

 In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national authority, on the part of the insurgents, as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery.  I repeat the declaration made a year ago, that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress.  If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it my executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it.

WHEN THE WAR WILL CEASE.

In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the Government whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it.

A. Lincoln

1864 November 26: Lincoln — “I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the people’s resolution to stand by free government and the rights of humanity”

The following two small articles were published in The Polk County Press of November 26, 1864.

A Speech of Mr. Lincoln on the Result of the Election.

At a late hour of Tuesday, the 8th inst., President Lincoln [Abraham Lincoln] was serenaded by a club of Pennsylvanians, headed by Capt. Thomas of that State.  Being loudly called for, the President appeared at a window, and spoke as follows :

FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS :  Even before I had been informed by you that this compliment was paid me by loyal citizens of Pennsylvania friendly to me, I had inferred that you were of that portion of my countrymen who think that the best interests of the nation are to be subserved by the support of the present administration.

I do not pretend to say that you who think so embrace all the patriotizm and loyalty of the country ;  but I do believe, and I trust without personal interest, that the welfare of the country does require that such support and endorsement be given.  I earnestly believe that the consequence of this day’s work, if it be as you assume, and as now seems probable, will be to the lasting advantage, if not to the very salvation of the country.

I cannot at this hour say what has been the result of the election ;  but, whatever it may be, I have no desire to modify this opinion ;  that all who have labored to day in behalf of the Union organization have wrought for the best interests of their country and the world, not only for the present, but for all future ages.

I am thankful to God for this approval of the people ;  but, while deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph.  I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me.

It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any one ;  but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the people’s resolution to stand by free government and the rights of humanity.

The State of Nevada.

The thirty-sixth star has been added to the galaxy on the banner of the United States.  Nevada has been admitted into the Union.  The State embraces the territory within the following boundaries :  the 38th degree longitude west from Washington and the western boundary of California, and west of Utah.  Its area is about eighty-three thousand square miles, and its estimated white population forty thousand.  Gold, silver, mercury, lead, antimony, bituminous coal, salt, cinnabar, alum, mahogany, and other valuable products will render it attractive for future settlement.  The mining region of the new State, as described by Mr. Blake, who was a Commissioner to the London International Exhibition, 1862, in his report to the Governor of Nevada, is an elevated and and [sic] semi-desert region—its surface  a constant succession of longitudinal mountain ranges, with intervening valleys and plains, most of which are independent basins, hemmed in by mountains on all sides, and the whole system without drainage to the sea.  The general elevation of these valleys is over 4,500 ft. above the sea, and the mountains rise from 1,000 to 4,000 feet, and in some instances to 8,000 feet high.  It includes a portion of the Great Interior Basin, and a great portion of it is still unexplored.

1864 July 9: The President at the Front

From the July 9, 1864, issue of The Prescott Journal.

The President at the Front—The Difficulties He Encountered—Where He Went and What He Saw.

Correspondence of the New York Herald.

On Tuesday, the 21st, about one o’clock, a long, gaunt, bony man, with a queer admixture of the comical and the doleful in his countenance, undertook to reach the General’s tent, by scrambling through a hedge row and coming in the back way alone.  He was stopped by one of the hostlers, and told to “keep out of here.”  The individual in black replied that he thought General Grant [Ulysses S. Grant] would allow him inside, and strode ahead.  “You’ll damned soon find out,” was yelled in reply.  On reaching the guard, he was stopped with, “No sanitary folks allowed inside.”  After some parleying, the intruder was compelled to give his name, and announced himself to be Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, desiring an interview with General Grant.  The guard saluted and allowed him to pass.  General Grant recognized him as he stepped under the large “fly” in front of his tent, rose and shook hands with him cordially, and then introduced him to such members of the staff as were present and unacquainted.  It was ascertained that the President had just arrived on the City of Baltimore, and was accompanied by his son, “Tad,” Assistant Secretary of the Navy Fox [Gustavus V. Fox], Mr. Chadwick, proprietor of Willard’s Hotel, and a marine guard.  The conversation soon took a wide free-and-easy range until dinner was announced.  The President was duly seated, ate much as other mortals, managed to wring in three favorite jokes during the meal, under the plea of illustrating the topics discussed, and kept every one on the qui vive for others until the party rose.

He was very naturally desirous of riding to the front, so at 4 o’clock, horses were brought up, the President mounted on Gen. Grant’s thoroughbred, Cincinnatus, the General on Egypt, “Tad” on the General’s black pony, Jeff. Davis, and, accompanied by a large proportion of the staff and escort, the party rode to the headquarters of General Wright [Horatio G. Wright], commanding the 6th corps, where Gen. Meade [George G. Meade] and staff met them.  The location commands as good a view of Petersburg as can yet be obtained from our lines.  Maps were brought out and examined, the position of the army explained, its future operations discussed, the steeples and spires of the city observed, as well as the dust and smoke would allow, national airs were played by the band, the enemy’s works on the opposite side of the Appomattox inspected, and after a stay of an hour and a half, the party started on its return to headquarters  On the way out, many persons recognized the President’s physiognomy.  The news soon spread, and on the return ride the roads were lined in many places with weather beaten veterans, anxious to catch a glimpse of Old Abe.  One cavalry private recognized him on the road.  Mr. Lincoln shook him by the hand like an old, familiar acquaintance, to the infinite admiration of the bystanders.

Perhaps the notable feature of the ride was the passing of a brigade of negro troops.  The troops were lounging by the roadside, but seemed to know by instinct who was approaching.  They came rushing, and almost, to the horses feet, by hundreds, yelling, shouting, “Hurrah for the Liberator !” and were perfectly wild with excitement and delight.  It was a spontaneous outburst of genuine love and affection for the man they look upon as their “deliver[er] from bondage,” and their wild huzzas were perfectly deafening.  The President uncovered as he rode through their ranks, and bowed on every hand to his sable admirers.  The cavalcade arrived at headquarters about nine o’clock, took tea and chatted a short time when the visitors departed to their state rooms on the steamboat.

At  seven o’clock in the morning of June 22d Major General Butler [Benjamin F. Butler] and his staff proceeded on board the Baltimore and exchanged congratulations with the Chief Magistrate, who was accompanied by Mr. Assistant Secretary Fox, Mr. Assistant Secretary Charles A. Dana, General Barnard,¹ “Little Tad,” and his playmate, named Perry.  The exceeding cordiality that marked the entire interview between the President and the Major General commanding was especially noticeable.  It was frank and zestful, and carried the conviction that the two eminent men were in entire concord upon all public and social issues.  All being on board, and everything being ready, the Baltimore steamed up the James river to the fleet, where Admiral Lee2 and party were taken on.  The party then proceeded up the river to the monitor Onondaga, near Crow’s Nest, where the vessel was boarded and carefully inspected.

The entire party then went ashore, and mounting horses made a grand tour of the fortifications, the troops throughout cheering the President and General Butler alternately.

All this being over, the party proceeded to General Butler’s marquee, where an elegant and substantial lunch was supplied, of which all partook most heartily after the forenoon fatigue.

Shortly after two o’clock in the afternoon the President signified his intention of immediately returning to Washington.  Proceeding aboard the Greyhound, attended by Gen. Butler and staff, he joined the Baltimore and left this scene, after an uncommonly pleasant, satisfactory and instructive visit.

1.  John Gross Barnard (1815-1882) graduated from West Point in 1833 and was a career officer in the U.S. Army. He served in engineering capacities during the Mexican-American War, and as the Superintendent of the United States Military Academy (1855-1856). During Civil War he served as Chief Engineer of the Army of the Potomac (1861-1862), Chief Engineer of the Department of Washington (1861-1864), and as Chief Engineer of the armies in the field (1864-1865) on General Grant’s staff. Barnard served in the honor guard for President Lincoln’s funeral in April 1865. He also was a distinguished scientist, co-founding the U.S. National Academy of Sciences; mathematician; historian and author, writing several scientific/engineering works and Civil War history papers.
2.  Samuel Phillips Lee (1812-1897)—son-in-law of Francis P. Blair, brother-in-law of Montgomery Blair, and third cousin of Robert E. Lee—was a rear admiral in the U.S. Navy. During the Civil War he commanded the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron (1862-1864) and then the Mississippi River Squadron (October 1864-end of the War).

1864 July 2: Lincoln Visits Grant

On June 21, 1864, President Abraham Lincoln visited Union General Ulysses S. Grant.  This article on the visit is from The Prescott Journal of July 2, 1864.

President Lincoln departed Washington, D.C., on Monday, June 20, aboard the USS Baltimore.  On Tuesday the 21st, Lincoln landed at City Point (today’s Hopewell), Virginia, and General Grant and other officers visited the President aboard the Baltimore. He then reviewed a division of U.S. Colored Troops, and Lincoln and Grant toured the Petersburg lines on horseback, the President riding Grant’s horse “Cincinnati.”  On June 22, Lincoln and Grant took a trip up the James River and the President visited Bermuda Hundred. He then traveled up the Appomattox River to Point of Rocks and toured the Bermuda Hundred defenses of General Benjamin F. Butler.  Later, Lincoln boarded the USS Baltimore and returned to Washington on June 23.

The President Visits Gen. Grant.

The President left Washington on Monday last to visit Gen. GRANT on the James River.  A gentleman who is an old and intimate friend of the President states that in a recent conversation with him in regard to the campaign Mr. LINCOLN, while expressing great solicitude, avowed the highest confidence in Gen. GRANT’S military ability and declared that he should have the utmost aid and co-operation in the power of the administration to extend to him.  Mr. Lincoln, in the course of the conversation spoke feelingly and with deep emotion of the patriotic fidelity and generous liberality of the Northern people, as exhibited in their contributions of men and money for the maintenance of the nation’s honor and power.  “Such a people,” remarked Mr. Lincoln, “can never fail, and they deserve, and will receive, the proudest place in the history of nations.”  He also very feelingly alluded to the confidence that the loyal people manifest in him.  “I do my best to deserve this,” he remarked, “but I tremble at the responsibility that devolves upon me, a weak, mortal man, to serve such a great and generous people, in such a place as I hold, in such an auful [sic] crisis as this is—it is a terrible responsibility, but it has been imposed upon me without my seeking, and I trust Providence has a wise purpose for me to fulfill by appointing me to this charge, which is almost too much for a weak mortal to hold.”

General Grant has several times, since the opening of the present campaign, urged the President to visit him at his headquarters in the field, but he has not until now had time to do so.  He will probably be absent from Washington over a week.

This article gives very little information on the actual visit.  Horace Porter,¹ an officer on Grant’s staff, wrote about² the meeting thus:

As the boat neared the shore, the General and several of us who were with him at the time walked down to the wharf, in order that the general-in-chief might meet his distinguished visitor and extend a greeting to him as soon as the boat made the landing.  As our party stepped aboard, the President came down from the upper deck, where he had been standing, to the aftergangway, and reaching out his long, angular arm, he wrung General Grant’s hand vigorously, and held it in his for some time, while he uttered in rapid words his congratulations and expressions of appreciation of the great task which had been accomplished since he and the general had parted in Washington.  The group then went into the after-cabin.

General Grant said: “I hope you are very well, Mr. President.”

“Yes, I am in very good health,” Mr. Lincoln replied; “but I don’t feel very comfortable after my trip last night on the bay.  It was rough, and I was considerably shaken up.  My stomach has not yet entirely recovered from the effects.”

An officer of the party now saw that an opportunity had arisen to make this scene the supreme moment of his life, in giving him a chance to soothe the digestive organs of the Chief Magistrate of the nation.  He said: “Try a glass of champagne, Mr. President.  That is always a certain cure for seasickness.”

Mr. Lincoln looked at him for a moment, his face lighting up with a smile, and then remarked:  “No, my friend; I have seen too many fellows seasick ashore from drinking that very stuff.”  This was a knockdown for the officer, and in the laugh at his expense Mr. Lincoln and the General both joined heartily.

Concerning the visit to the Colored Troops of the 18th Regiment, Porter wrote:

They beheld for the first time the liberator of their race—the man who by a stroke of his pen had struck the shackles from the limbs of their fellow-bondmen and proclaimed liberty to the enslaved.  Always impressionable, the enthusiasm of the blacks now knew no limits.  They cheered, laughed, cried, sang hymns of praise, and shouted in their negro dialect, “God bress Massa Linkum!”  “De Lord save Fader Abraham!”  “De day ob jubilee am come, shuah.”

They crowded about him and fondled his horse; some of them kissed his hands, while others ran off crying in triumph to their comrades that they had touched his clothes.  The President rode with bared head; the tears had started to his eyes, and his voice was so broken by emotion that he could scarcely articulate the words of thanks and congratulation which he tried to speak to the humble and devoted men through whose ranks he rode.  The scene was affecting in the extreme, and no one could have witnessed it unmoved.

1.  Horace Porter (1837-1921), the son of Pennsylvania Governor David R. Porter, graduated from West Point in 1860. In the Civil War, he initially served in the ordnance department of the Union Department of the South, Army of the Potomac, Department of the Ohio, Army of the Cumberland and Military Division of the Mississippi. He served in the battles of Fort Pulaski, Chickamauga, the Wilderness, and Second Ream’s Station, receiving the Medal of Honor in 1902 for the Battle of Chickamauga. In the last year of the War, he served as General Grants aide-de-camp (April 1864-July 1965)  and wrote a memoir of the experience, Campaigning with Grant, first published in 1897. After the War, Porter was President Grant’s personal secretary (1869-1872), vice president of the Pullman Palace Car Company and U.S. Ambassador to France (1897-1905). Porter was president of the Union League Club of New York from 1893 to 1897, and was a major force in the construction of Grant’s Tomb.
2.  The quotations are from Porter’s book Campaigning with Grant (New York: Century Co., 1906), available digitally on the Internet Archive.